Jails and Prisons History and Development Essay Example for Free

Jails and Prisons History and Development Essay Jails and prisons lay at the heart of the Criminal Justice System. These facilities helped forge the concept of rehabilitation. These institutions have changed over time and now reflect the modern methods of housing convicted individuals who need to be reformed or punished. Description of jails The clear concise difference between a jail and a prison is the time limit a convicted person is sentenced to and what offenses were committed. In a jail, prisoners are usually confined because they were convicted of a lesser or petty offense. Examples of petty offenses are driving without a license or a misdemeanor drug possession charge. Most of these offenses come with a sentence of a year or less and anyone with over a year sentence is usually sent to a prison facility (Seiter, 2011). Jails act as holding facilities where inmates rarely get time to be out of their cells, to reflect, or to engage in recreational time. Because jails are so short term the focus is on inward reflection of crime through solitude. Some of these restrictions are a product themselves of the lesser amount of time spent in the correctional facilities. Criminals are charged more in a jail facility with reflecting on their crime by being exposed to sheer solitude. Furthermore, jails rarely have any vocational or rehabilitation programs utilized within their walls. On the other hand, prisons have an ample amount of time to work with, rehabilitate, and reform offenders. Prisons do this with the hope that offenders can eventually be placed back into society and limit their recidivism back to crime. History of state and federal prisons The jail component of the American corrections system came well before the initiation of any prisons, probation, parole, or even halfway houses. The historical origins of jails or local corrections facilities in America come from England. American jails have developed and progressed so much further than that of its roots. Jails served a different purpose in England. Throughout the progression to the modern age, past mentality was altered from a place of confinement before harsh punishment could be administered to a place that rehabilitation and reflection could occur. The historical developments of jails and prisons overtime have gone from detention for purpose of public humiliation or deterrence, to an â€Å"out of sight out of mind† mentality, which segregated convicted individuals from the rest of society. State prisons have their roots in the penitentiary reform ideals of the Age of Enlightenment. The Three Prisons Act is the first law that authorized the establishment of federal prisons. This act was an important milestone for U.S. prison reform. This most important fact is that this act laid the foundation for the federal prison system to be created. Prior to the act being passed there were few penal facilities in the United States. Before this time period and the passing of this act only one facility, the Walnut Street Jail located in Philadelphia, stood the possibility of housing a large capacity of inmates charged with federal crimes. The role of a jail is a diverse one and conducts a very difficult mission. Few offenders skip the step of passing through a jail as they enter the correctional system. Jails hold a variety of offenders: including those arrested; those detained pending trial; those sentenced to short terms of confinement for minor crimes; those awaiting transfer to another facility; and those who are held administratively for a criminal justice agency. Some jail systems are larger than all but a few state prison systems while others are extremely small and have only four or five beds. Jails face unique issues such as dealing with unknown offenders, detoxification and medical problems, and serving the court with security and prisoner transportation. Jails are operated by local authorities and primarily hold pretrial detainees. Other jail inmates are serving time for misdemeanors, while others are held for a variety of reasons. Comparison of security levels The jail-prison distinction, however, is a very simplified label to attach to a very diverse set of facilities. There are in fact a myriad of confinement facilities meant to house criminals of all levels of seriousness. These facilities are broken up by government boundaries of local, state, and federal confinement facilities. The time needing to be served and the severity of the crime determine which of the facilities a convicted person might be sent. Prisons range starting from the most basic minimum security that houses the offenders that are less violent and are often for more administrative type offenses like white collar offenders or drug related crimes where no one else was affected or harmed. These types of prisons are considered more like camps, because they have a relatively low staff-to-inmate ratio, and limited or no perimeter fencing. These institutions are work-and program-oriented and many are located adjacent to larger institutions or on military bases, where inmates help serve the labor needs of the larger institution or base. The next step above the minimum security is low security institutions which have double-fenced perimeters, mostly dormitory or cubicle housing, and strong work and program components. The staff-to-inmate ratio is increased compared to the previous stage. Medium security prisons are the next level up. They are stronger facilities with hardened perimeters that have double chain link fences and an electronic monitoring system surrounding the facility and its corridors. Confinement in the medium-security prisons is cell type but treatment programs are available to convicts to help propel them forward in their reformation. Here the ratio is reversed and the staff greatly outnumbers the inmates. The strictest of prison facilities is the high or maximum security institution. Within its walls are some of the most severe criminals who have committed some of the most heinous acts. This final type of institution is comprised of reinforced fences and walls. Prisoners are contained in solitary cells and their movements are controlled and monitored extremely closely. Because of the severity of the crimes committed by the convicted individuals that are incarcerated in these maximum security facilities, there is an extremely high ratio of staff to inmates (Prison Types General Information, 2012). For prisons to be safe and secure there must be sufficient physical security, consistent implementation of security practices, established methods to control inmate behavior, and adequate preparation to reduce the likelihood or to respond to inmate unrest. For prison staff to provide effective rehabilitative services there must be an assessment of the needs and best practices of a programs focusing on substance abuse, mental health, religious services, education recreation, rehabilitation, and work opportunities. Fully understanding the importance of these programs and implementing them effectively is crucial for prisons to accomplish their dual mission of confinement and rehabilitation. Factors that influence growth The United States currently incarcerates more people of its citizens per capita than any other country in the world. If you count the amount of prisoners which currently reside in the U.S. prison system, it is approximately two million. This would mean that one out of every hundred and fifty residents are incarcerated in a U.S. prison of jail at any given time. Some of the factors that have led to the explosion of the prison population are poverty driven crime and the increased regulation of human and social behaviors (Ruddel, 2011). In the 21st century, we are still contemplating the dilemmas of overcrowding and the best way to correct criminal’s behaviors. The world needs to constantly evolve its correctional systems to meet the concerns of its society and effectively reform criminal behavior to create less of a strain on law abiding citizens. Jails and Prisons are a tremendous and vital piece to the Criminal Justice process. These facilities have been a part of the correctional system for over 200 years. It stands to reason that while the system will change based on new technologies and ideas, the principals of reform and correction will always hold true (U.S. Prison Populations-Trends and Implications, 2012). Conclusion It is hoped that justice will prevail through the rehabilitation and reform of convicted individuals, and our prison system is the best way of correcting the factors that may influence a person to commit such offenses. Incarcerated individuals today should feel fortunate that the times and ideals of prison life have changed and criminals are classified and housed based on the type and severity of the crime, rather than one large melting pot of criminals. Crime will never be completely eradicated therefore the necessity for facilities to incarcerate offenders will perpetually be needed. Free will is one of the greatest inherent rights human kind has but this right makes some people commit crimes and others remain compliant with the rules and regulations of society. The fact that we have free will conclude that criminal behavior will not ever truly disappear and every attempt should be made to inform/reform and rehabilitate offenders, making them act in an appropriate manner that is so cially acceptable. References: Prison Types General Information. (2012). Retrieved from http://www.bop.gov/locations/institutions/index.jsp Ruddel, R. (2011). American Jails: A Retrospective Examination. U.S. Prison populations-trends and implications. (2012). Retrieved from http://www.prisonpolicy.org/scans/sp/1044.pdf Mackenzie, D. L. (2001). Sentencing and Corrections in the 21st Century:Setting the Stage for the Future. College Park, Maryland: Department of Criminology and Criminal Justice. Seiter, R. (2011). Corrections an Introduction (3rd ed.). Upper saddle Hall, NJ: Pearson/Prentice Hall.

Psycological Contract Essay Example for Free

Psycological Contract Essay The psychological contract is a little difficult to define because as George (2009, pg3) states it ‘is implicit in that it is unspoken, unwritten and often only becomes apparent when it is breached, causing feelings of violation’ none the less it is extremely important part of the business and can be what ‘binds the employee and the employer together’ (Robinson and Rousseau, citied in George 2009 pg4) ‘through the mutual expectations of input and outcome’ outlined by Businessballs (2010) CIPD (2004, p5) outlines some of the things that people look for in a psychological contract: Employee attitude surveys undertaken by the CIPD since 1996 have been analysed by David Guest, Kings College London, and Neil Conway, Birkbeck College. The surveys have consistently focused on a number of key issues, including: satisfaction, motivation, fairness, trust, job security, loyalty, work–life balance, commitment. Downsizing is the process of removing layers from the company, sometimes known as retrenchment, involving potential redundancies, wage cuts and other general cut backs (Rollinson p41). In this text I will be looking at the effects downsizing can have on the psychological contract whether it can reduce the likelihood of a violation, with particular interest in what makes this ‘contract’ so important, what both the employer and employee are looking for within it and how other factors such as age and social media can have an impact. Businessballs(2010)back up the fact that ‘the psychological contract refers to the relationship between an employer and its employees’ and, in employment terms, it is about finding the balance between how the employee is treated by its employer, and what the employee puts into the job. CIPD (2004) surveys show that ‘90% of HR managers think the psychological contract is a useful concept for helping to manage the employment rel ationship’ this is brought by the, increasing, realisation that employee motivation, satisfaction and commitment can be very influential in the overall business performance, and if an employer can establish and maintain a positive psychological contract with its employee a sustainable business value is more likely to be met (CIPD 2004). So essentially it is a form of guarantee where ‘if each does his or her part, the relationship will be mutually beneficial’ (Robinson and Rousseau, citied in George 2009 pg4). This brings me to my first reason supporting the fact that Downsizing could reduce the likelihood of a psychological contract violation. In a recent survey it showed that staff given an adequate voice are more likely to be engaged and satisfied (CIPD 2009, p2). With downsizing likely to result in the removal of layers of supervision and middle management, the employee voice is more likely to be expressed as those remaining are likely to have more responsibilities and a say in day to day decisions through the process of empowerment (Rollinson 2008, p522) all things likely to strengthen the psychological contract, as if the employee is working harder the employer will be pleased and the employee will enjoy having more of a say and new responsibilities. In addition to this (CIPD 2009 p7) survey showed that ‘Direct’ channels of voice between employees and line managers/senior leaders are both more common and seen as more important than ‘indirect’ or ‘representative’ channels’ their surveys also showed one to one meetings with line managers to be ‘the most important facilitator of voice’ so again this is likely to be made easier through the process of downsizing as they will have the time to deal with less people and with the hierarchy likely to be ‘flatter†¦ and lateral rather than vertical communication is much more common.’ (Rollinson 2008, p522). However there is a lot of evidence to suggest downsizing is likely to have a negative effect on the psychological contract represented by ‘a number of rigorous empirical studies has shown that many empowerment initiatives fail to deliver their expected advantages and that employees can end up less committed than before’ (Rollinson 2008, p 522) as well as ‘a leading British survey has noted, taken overall, the combined effects of work reorganisation and downsizing have led to an extraordinary intensification of work pressure’ (Thompson and Mchugh 2002, p189). This is due to the additional work load and burden left for the employees that remain at the business and often just using a more flattering term such as empowerment will not have the desired effect (ibid.) as well as the apprehension caused by initiatives like downsizing which inevitably leads to the reduction of commitment and loyalty (Savery et al. 1998, citied in Rollinson 2008, p42). With 3 key aspe cts to the psychological contract, mentioned at the start (motivation, loyalty and commitment), likely to be lacking after downsizing the business performance could potentially take more damage ‘because headcount reductions tend to occur across the board†¦ quite frequently, the very people who will be needed to ensure future organisational success disappear as well’ (Rollinson 2008, p50) with performance slacking the employer won’t be satisfied and if the important employees leave then clearly they are not satisfied with the way things are being run and therefore there must have been some break down in the psychological contract. Downsizing can bring other negative aspects to your business in the form of ‘politicking’ which happens in all business to a certain degree, through the form of complaints, adherence to rules etc. but is more likely to happen when resources are reclining or changes are taking place (Robbins et al. 2010, p380/382). With the aim of politicking often being to ‘block or inhibit another group (or individual) from achieving goals’ (Rollinson 2008, p414). Political behaviour is more likely to happen when there is a lack of trust within the organisation (Robbins et al. 2008) and therefore is another suggestion that the psychological contract has been breached, due to downsizing. This argument if backed up in (ibid.) which states ‘there is very strong evidence that perceptions of organisational politics are negatively related to job satisfaction. The perception of politics also tends to increase job anxiety and stress’. Although this shows strong evidence that downsizing could lead to violations in the psychological contract it is not guaranteed, as business balls stress, the outcome of change relies strongly on how it is sold to whoever is concerned (2010) by sold they are referring to how well ‘the use of persuasion, influence or incentive, in causing someone or a group to do something they would probably not otherwise do’ If done properly it is likely the psychological contract will be strengthened as ideally you will meet some sort of compromise and both parties will be happy as ‘persuasion can produce mutually positive outcomes in some situations’ (ibid.). However if a lot of persuasion is involved when trying to implement change on someone it is usually because they are unlikely to accept the situation otherewise, and if pushed too hard it is possible to put off those being persuaded and is unlikely to produce a good outcome for the persuader either (business balls 2010). This is extremely relevant to the psychological contract because it involves a lot of trusted. The transition is always likely to go more smoothly, and the psychological contract can remain strong if the leader is open with his employees giving them all the information and an honest explanation ‘People need to know what lies ahead, and to be consulted and supported in dealing with it.’ (ibid.) There are many things that can affect the psychological contract at an organisation, but it is not the same for everyone. Generation diversity has a huge impact on modern business with organisations having to counter for the different age groups who are unlikely to have the same needs and expectations, for example ‘older, mid- and late career employees were more likely to believe that their psychological contracts are unreplicable’ (Ng Feldman 2008, citied in George 2009 p125) potentially making them a safer option to employ as they will have less concerns when their contract is breached. The importance in taking all the different generations into account is outlined in a recent study (CIPD 2008): The speed of communications, the pace of change to meet mass markets, economic migration and more rigorous Public sector accountability, make this a unique time in the workplace. These have all placed greater emphasis than ever before on the need for organisations to be agile and harness different capabilities. Skills in digital technology, information management and entrepreneurialism are mixed with longstanding wisdom, change management and customer service ethos. The four generations in the workplace are bringing divergent skills, learning styles and expectations around reward. These four generations consist of the veterans, baby boomers, generation x and generation z, as well as the start of generation Z which consist of 16 year olds and younger soon to be a part of modern day business. They develop their different approaches to business through social trends, education, and technology (CIPD 2008). When looking at the psychological contract it is going to be more positive if there is a common goal (George 2008, p4) and therefore it is important to look at what each generation can offer you. Studies in the United States found that ‘(65+) are hardworking, conservative and conforming†¦ mid-40 to mid-60†¦ achievement, ambition and dislike of authority. Late-20s to early 40’s value work/life balance, relationship, dislike of rules†¦ under 30s value financial success, confidence and loyalty to self and relationships’.(Robbins et al. 2008, -95) ‘By understanding what motivates its employees, an organisation can develop a compelling value proposition to engage and reward them.’ (CIPD 2008, p10). Not only does it point out the differences between the generations but it can also help employers recognise ‘generic values’ (Ibid.) with only 4% of people feeling that a competitive deal and job security was not important when being offered a job, all with the exception of a few veterans looked for personal development as well as there being a significant demand for people management skills, technology development leadership training and knowledge about their organisation. (CIPD 2008, p11) Essentially it is finding the right mix to suit each individual that makes up the psychological contract, ‘Proactively managing the organisation’s employer brand and reflecting generational differences in job design, will be fundamental drivers of attraction and engagement’ (CIPD 2008 p35) Google are an example of an organisation who have got this balance right and have been rewarded with the reputation of number 1 place for graduates to work. This is due to the combination of internal rewards, a consistent recruitment process, a variety of social and professional interest groups, a consistency globally in terms of technology and a personal recruitment process and other benefits which keep the employee happy which makes them want to keep the employer happy and thus an extremely positive psychological contract is built (CIPD 2008) In addition to keeping up with the modern generations it is also important for companies to show an interest in modern technology. However the introduction of social media sights have shown a recent concern amongst employers as CIPD 2009 survey suggest ‘most either forbade (21.1%) or discouraged it (45.5%)’ this is due to the things people might say about their company with (Robbins et al. 2010) recording that ’39 per cent of individual bloggers say they have posted comments that could be construed as harmful to their company’s reputation’ realistically this is a breach in the psychological contract and the reason employers are reluctant for their employees to use them. On balance it is clear that the psychological contract can play a key role in the success of the business and any violations to it can be extremely costly. However with reference to the question it is hard to say whether or not downsizing reduces the chances of the contract being violated, because although if managed carefully people could feel the benefits through empowerment and if the employer is fair and open with the employee it could help build a stronger relationship (business balls 2010), I feel the evidence to suggest your staff are likely to feel increased stress and pressure from the work load and as shown in (CIPD 2004, p17) list of top fifteen ways to develop a good psychological contract number one is ‘Avoid redundancies whenever possible: redundancies lower morale’ which suggests you are starting on the back foot by downsizing. Anon. (2010) The psychological contract [online][viewed 10/12/2012] http://www.businessballs.com/psychological-contracts-theory.htm#external-relative-factors CIPD. (2009) Learning and development. Annual survey report. London: Chartered Institute of Personnel and Development. CIPD (2008) Gen Up how the four generations work. London: Chartered Institute of Personnel and Development CIPD (2004). Practical Tools from CIPD research. London: chartered Institute of Personnel and Development George C. (2009). The Psychological Contract. Maidenhead: Open University Press Robbins S.P, T.A Judge, T.T Campbell. 2010. Organizational Behaviour. Harlow: Financial Times Prentice Hall Rollinson D. (2008). Organisational behaviour and analysis, an integrated approach. 4th ed. Harlow: Financial Times Prentice Hall Thompson P, Mchugh D. (2002) Work Organisation. 3rd ed. Basingstoke: Palgrave

Reducing UK Deficit through Hyperinflation

Reducing UK Deficit through Hyperinflation The unprecedented UK budget deficits have drawn sufficient attention to the issue of the ability of the government to finance these deficits continuously by borrowing ever-increasing amounts from domestic and foreign residents by issuing government bonds. What might be particularly worrisome is that, since the 1980s, the UK government has been issuing debt (borrowing) in the current time period to pay back the principal and interest due on the debt it issued in previous periods. In other words, it has been simply ‘rolling over increasingly large chunks of government bonds. Adding to this concern is the belief intrinsic to most individuals that there is something inherently wrong with deficits and that, eventually, they would have to be reduced to zero. Introduction â€Å"Balancing the budget is like going to heaven: everybody wants to balance the budget, but nobody wants to do what you have to do to balance the budget† Senator Phil Gramm (R Tex.), 1990. Throughout the ages, national economies have experienced repeated fluctuations about trend in output, employment, prices, and interest rates, known as business cycles. Many explanations have been offered for these fluctuations in economic activity. They range from sudden supply-side disturbances, or shocks, caused by changes in technology or adverse weather conditions, to unanticipated changes in the money supply. Early business cycle theories assumed that the fluctuations in output and prices about trend were caused by the internal dynamics of a market economy. Sustained economic growth was thought to place severe strains upon the economy. For example, after a prolonged economic recovery, the continually increasing aggregate demand might cause wages and input costs to rise faster than selling prices. This, according to the early theories, would lead to a cutback in business investment and employment as firms, particularly those that had overinvested earlier, started to experience shrinking profits. This link between real and nominal variables, coming in the wake of a sustained period of recovery, was thought to cause recessions. During the era of the gold standard and fixed exchange rates, it was widely believed that business cycles were transmitted across national boundaries by detrimental fiscal and monetary policies of countries that were trading partners. Most of the early theories were in the gold standard era, and hence financial factors such as bank panics, shortages of liquidity, and fluctuations in interest rates were thought to be primarily responsible for economic downturns. While economists are by no means unanimous in their analyses of business cycles, the trend today is towards a demand-side money-induced explanation of these cycles in economic activity (Lucas, pp. 7-8). Since 1980s in United Kingdom there has been a growing feeling amongst economists and policy makers that an increase in taxes in the future is ‘inevitable. Nervousness about the large bond-financed deficits compounded by doomsday predictions in the media has convinced workers that the tax cuts are temporary. This has stunted the outward shift of labor supply and labor demand. It remains to be seen if the present administration does keep taxes at the low levels of 1987 and 1988, or conveniently ignores election year promises and raises them. In this world of individuals with rational expectations, the results of the policies of any one administration are strongly contingent on the expectations of individuals regarding the continuation of these policies by succeeding administrations. Once again, we must remember that policy is not a one-shot deal, but a ‘rule or a sequence extending into the future and the past. Economists tend to view the aggregate effects of fiscal policy from one of three perspectives. To sharpen the distinctions among them, it is helpful to consider a deficit induced by a lump-sum tax cut today followed by a lump-sum tax increase in the future, holding the path of government purchases and marginal tax rates constant. Under the Ricardian equivalence hypothesis proposed by Barro, such a deficit will be fully offset by an increase in private saving, as taxpayers recognize that the tax is merely postponed, not canceled. The offsetting increase in private saving means that the deficit will have no effect on national saving, interest rates, exchange rates, future domestic production, or future national income. A second model, the small open economy view, suggests that budget deficits do reduce national saving but, at the same time, induce increased capital inflows from abroad that finance the entire reduction. As a result, domestic production does not decline and interest rate s do not rise, but future national income falls because of the added burden of servicing the increased foreign debt. A third model, which we call the conventional view, likewise holds that deficits reduce national saving but that this reduction is at least partly reflected in lower domestic investment. In this model, budget deficits partly crowd out private investment and partly increase borrowing from abroad; the combined effect reduces future national income and future domestic production. The reduction in domestic investment in this model is brought about by an increase in interest rates, thus establishing a connection between deficits and interest rates. Budget deficits are financed by issuing government bonds to domestic and foreign residents (borrowing) or by selling bonds to the central bank (monetizing the debt). The processes of government spending, taxes, and money creation are linked quite explicitly by the arithmetic of the intertemporal budget constraint. The most important sources of tax revenue for the government are income taxes, corporate taxes, and payroll taxes. As all these tax revenues are functions of the national income, they consequently decrease when GNP falls, or when the economy goes into recession. On the other hand, transfer payments such as unemployment benefits increase in recessions, thereby causing budget deficits to rise in periods of economic sluggishness, even in the absence of any change in fiscal policy. Because of this independence of the magnitude of the deficit to changes in policy, many economists feel that less attention should be paid to the actual deficit and more to what is known as the high-employment or the standardized-employment deficit (also full-employment deficit, structural deficit). This is a hypothetical construct that replaces both the actual government spending and tax revenues in the actual budget by estimates of what government spending and tax revenues would be, given current tax rates a nd spending provisions, if the economy were operating at full employment. A 6 per cent unemployment rate is assumed to be the full-employment mark in the UK. The high-employment deficit, therefore, is unaffected by the state of the economy, since it ignores the actual expenditures and tax revenues and instead focuses on what they would be at full employment. This measure of deficit changes only when specific policies change, and for this reason economists believe that it is a better indicator of fiscal policy than the actual deficit, as the aggregate business cycle effects have now been sifted out (Baumol and Blinder, pp. 288-290). The inflation-adjusted deficit is the actual deficit adjusted for the inflation component of the interest payments. When the UK government (or any borrower for that matter) pays interest on the government bonds outstanding in an inflationary environment, more dollars must be returned to the lender in recognition of the fact that inflation has eroded the purchasing power of the currency. These interest payments, made to restore the lenders purchasing power, exaggerate interest expenses and distort the government expenditure figures. To sift out this additional government expenditure due to inflation, we subtract the inflation premium from the interest paid on the national debt, thereby counting only the real interest payments, a technique which provides us with a more accurate measure of the deficits. Large budget deficits financed by money creation are widely believed to be the primary force sustaining prolonged high inflation processes. The relationship appears to be closer for hyperinflationary episodes, which are usually associated with the presence of massive budget deficits. Hyperinflation, understood in this paper as a process of accelerating inflation, in fact occurs because governments have unsustainably large budget deficits. Fiscal adjustment is a prerequisite for stopping hyperinflation. Suppose the economy is initially at a point like H, moving along the unstable path with accelerating inflation. The objective of the authorities is to move the economy to a stable stationary equilibrium such as A. This will require a reduction in the deficit to [d.sub.0]. However, this will not suffice to restore inflation stability since real money balances are below the steady state level (i.e., to the left of A); expansionary monetary policy is also needed. This can be achieved through an open market purchase of government bonds. Under rational expectations, the proper combination of fiscal and monetary policies will instantaneously stop hyperinflation (Grossman and Helpman, 1991). In this specific example, as proposed in Dornbusch (1986), expansionary monetary policy supports the fiscal effort. Indeed, an open market purchase of government bonds reduces the interest payments and the value of the total deficit. The government can thus take advantage of the higher demand for money to reduce the deficit. In this case, the reduction in the primary deficit would be smaller than would otherwise need to be. The once-and-for-all increase in the demand for money that results from a successful stabilization effort contributes to a permanent reduction in the deficit. The stabilization strategy just discussed is useful to explain the analytical implications of assuming partial adjustment in the money market and rational expectations vis-à  -vis instantaneous adjustment in the money market and adaptive expectations. The reduced-form dynamic equations are similar in both cases. However, as just shown, when the right policy combination is followed, hyperinflation can be controlled instantaneously in the former case, while it will at best be reduced through a gradual process in the latter. The rigidity in expectations creates a strong barrier to rapid reductions in inflation. There are useful insights regarding the role of tight fiscal policy in anti-inflation programs. First, it is apparent that small reductions in the deficit may not be sufficient to reduce permanently the rate of inflation. Second, it was also argued that there is not a one-to-one relation between deficits and inflation rates; while a given budget deficit might be associated with a stable rate of inflation under one set of initial conditions, it could also lead to an unstable path of prices under others. Finally, there is an interesting asymmetry emerging from this model. While small increases in the budget deficit can move the economy into unstable paths that can eventually result in large increases in inflation, stabilization of the rate of inflation (once the economy is moving along the unstable path) can require even larger contractions in the fiscal deficit. In particular, if the economy is in a sufficiently hyperinflationary state, the monetary authorities might find that the onl y feasible stabilizing alternative is the complete elimination of the use of inflationary finance. In this paper it is shown that under plausible assumptions regarding the adjustment of the money market it is possible to find conditions under which large money-financed deficits can lead to hyperinflation even when agents have perfect foresight. The basic analytical framework is similar to the one used in Sargent and Wallace (1973), Evans and Yarrow (1981), Bruno and Fischer (1986), Dornbusch and Fischer (1986), and Buiter (1987). It assumes that budget deficits are entirely financed through seigniorage, a Cagan-type demand for money function and rational expectations (which in the present model, given the absence of uncertainty, is equivalent to perfect foresight). The main difference is that in the present model the money market does not clear instantaneously. Literature review The adjusted deficit values, therefore, assist us in putting the deficits in perspective and enable us to attribute changes in deficits to specific policy regimes. Another important form of measurement of the budget deficit is the primary deficit. The total budget deficit can be divided into two components: the primary or non-interest deficit, and the interest payments on the public debt, that is Total deficit = primary deficit + interest payments The primary deficit therefore represents all government outlays, except interest payments, less all government revenue. This definition will have huge significance when we discuss the role of the interest payments on outstanding government bonds. The overall budget might be in deficit even if the primary deficit is in surplus (or when we have a primary surplus). This is because in every time period the government makes a significant amount of interest payments on past debt. After mandatory spending, interest payments constitute the second largest chunk of UK government expenditures. Thus we can see that the overall budget will be in deficit unless the interest payments on the existing debt are more than matched by a primary surplus (Dornbusch and Fischer, pp. 581-583). According to Dornbusch and Fischer, this forms the core of the mechanics of deficit financing (p. 597). They write: ‘If there is a primary deficit in the budget, then the total budget deficit will keep growing as the debt grows because of the deficit, and interest payments rise because the debt is growing. As in Diamond (1965), a deficit is created by the government once and for all increasing its debt by reducing taxes on personal incomes. This is equivalent to the government transferring new bonds to the households. The traditional assumption has been that in subsequent periods taxes on personal incomes are raised in order to pay the interest on this additional debt. Instead, in the present paper I consider the case in which it is the future taxes on corporations that are raised. In the present model we find that, because taxes on personal incomes are discounted at a higher rate than the interest on government debt, deficits financed by raising future taxes on personal incomes increase wealth and aggregate expenditure, causing a current account deficit. This is the general view about the effects of deficits in finite horizon models. We, however, find that unanticipated deficits financed by raising future taxes on corporate incomes are neutral. This result arises because corporations, unlike households, are infinitely lived, and therefore taxes on corporations are discounted at the same rate as the interest on government debt. Thus, when the government incurs a deficit by transferring new bonds to the households, and it announces that it is going to raise taxes on corporations to pay the interest on these new bonds, the value of shares in corporations falls by the same amount as the value of new bonds that are issued, leaving wealth and aggregate expenditure unchanged. A correction of the fiscal imbalance has been crucial for stopping hyperinflation. This factor is well documented in the works of Yeager (1981), Sargent and Wallace (1973), and Webb (1986) on the hyperinflation episodes in the central European countries and United Kingdom on the episodes of recessions. Substantial reductions in the budget deficit, monetary reform, and a fixed exchange rate were crucial for the successful stabilization policies in those countries. Indeed, fiscal restraint, which in most cases meant outright elimination of the budget deficit, was probably the most important of these policy measures. One distinctive feature of hyperinflationary episodes is that the rate of inflation accelerates over time, thus suggesting that these processes are inherently unstable. Cagans seminal work on this issue provides an alternative interpretation. In Cagans view hyperinflationary episodes could only be unstable if they were â€Å"self-generating,† and he considered that although â€Å"there is no reason why (self-generating inflations) could not occur; so far they have just not been observed† (p. 73). However, Cagans stability analysis only considers the case in which the money process was exogenous. If one extends Cagans seminal paper through the introduction of money-financed budget deficits and rational expectations, and then analyzes the dynamic properties of the system, as was recently done by Evans and Yarrow (1981), Kiguel (1986), and Buiter (1987), the results are astonishing. Large money-financed budget deficits could be the source of instability; however, they could only lead to hyperdeflation. These deficits can never be the source of hyperinflation. The presence of large budget deficits in a perfect foresight framework has a surprising effect on the dynamic behavior of inflation. Auernheimer (1976), Evans and Yarrow (1981), and Kiguel (1986) showed that in order to obtain a hyperinflationary process one needs to assume adaptive expectations. In other words, in Cagans framework, large budget deficits could result in hyperinflation only when agents make systematic mistakes in forecasting the rate of inflation. It has been recognized for some time that it is very difficult to justify the use of adaptive expectations in macroeconomic models. Economic agents eventually learn the process that generates inflation, and they will use that information in the formation of their forecasts on inflation. As a result, it is difficult to accept that large budget deficits would lead to accelerating inflation only in the presence of systematic mistakes. The effect of anticipated deficits financed by taxing corporate incomes is the exact opposite of the conventional view about anticipated deficits in finite horizon models. If the government announces that at some future date it will incur a deficit by issuing new bonds to the households, and that corporate income taxes are going to be raised in the periods after that in order to pay the interest on this debt, then at the time the policy is announced aggregate wealth will fall, for the following reason. As taxes on corporations are discounted at the same rate as the interest on government debt, the present value of the taxes is equal to the value of the bonds transferred to the households as of the time that the policy is carried out. However, when the policy is announced households are not sure that they will survive to collect the transfer of bonds. Thus, they discount these transfers at a higher rate than the market rate of interest. On the other hand, as corporations are infinitel y lived, the valuation of shares in corporation is such that taxes will be discounted at the market rate of interest. This then means that at the time the policy is announced aggregate wealth and expenditure will fall, causing a current account surplus. This result is the opposite of the conventional view about the effects of anticipated deficits in finite horizon models, as emphasized by, for example, Feldstein (1983), and Frenkel and Razin (1986). Finally, the fact that taxes on corporations in UK are discounted at a lower rate than taxes on personal incomes means that a revenue neutral tax reform involving a shift in taxes from personal incomes to corporate incomes will result in a loss of wealth and a fall in aggregate expenditure, causing a current account surplus. Much of the literature on monetary unions has concentrated on their effects on trade and hence on the effects on the efficiency with which factors of production are used. Rose (2000) shows, in a multi-country panel study, that there may be significant effects on trade from membership of a monetary union. Whilst Honahan (2001) does not dispute the potential for benefits, he points out that much of the weight in Roses results comes from small countries leaving (or sometimes joining) colonial and post-colonial monetary unions. These decisions were often associated with a bundle of changes in relation to partner countries that themselves had a major impact on trade. Given that there are likely to be reasonably large gains in the scale of trade from joining a monetary union, there are also likely to be significant increases in the level of output. Grossman and Helpman (1991) argue that there is a strong link between openness and growth and much of the evidence is surveyed in Pain (2002). These gains come from the arrival of new technologies, increases in specialization by comparative advantage and the reaping of economies of scale within industries that have become more specialized. In addition, a monetary union reduces the barriers to trade even within a common customs area by reducing transactions costs, and this is likely to have a major impact on the level of output that can be produced with a given level of inputs. Given the theoretical importance of the output gap, it is unfortunate that its measurement is so problematic. This will always be the case however when we are trying to separate out ‘high frequency events such as the business cycle from ‘low frequency events or persistent phenomena such as the trend in potential output. As Watson (1986) points out, a time series of 30 years could contain a significant number of examples of cycles of periods of less than 5 years, yet only a few examples of cycles of 10 years or more. Therefore we have more information in a finite sample on the shorter cycles, and correspondingly less information on longer cycles and the permanent shocks (which can be regarded as infinitely long cycles). Techniques for trend extraction have to address this problem directly, and filters for trend extraction are designed to remove specific frequencies and, in particular, cycles from the data under consideration. The central point of Feldstein (1986) article is to present empirical evidence in support of the view that budget deficits cause a currency to appreciate. He regresses the real exchange rate between the U.S. and UK on a measure of the budget deficit in the United Kingdom and a set of other variables. For the period 1973 to 1984 (twelve annual observations), he finds that the estimated effects on the real exchange rate are strong and robust to the inclusion or exclusion of other variables. Branson and Love (1988), on the other hand, outline a theory that assumes that the movements in the nominal exchange rate cause movements in the real exchange rate. These, in turn, cause movements in the supply of (tradable and non-tradable) output and employment and, hence, the trade balance. Their empirical results indicate that appreciation of dollar over the period caused a large unemployment loss in manufacturing. Barth et al. (1990) note that the choice for measuring of the deficit affects the nature of the linkage between deficits and interest rates. Specifically, studies that use cyclically adjusted deficits or federal debt instead of federal deficits are more likely to find a significant relation between the fiscal variable and interest rates. Recent evidence reported by Barth et al. conforms with these observations. Barth et al. (1990) also conclude that low frequency data (annual versus quarterly or monthly) and long-term interest rates (instead of short-term rates) are more likely to produce a significant relation between deficits and interest rates. However, recent studies do not support these generalizations. The summary shows that many studies that use quarterly data yield a significant relation between deficits and interest rates (e.g., Bruno and Fischer, 1986; Dornbusch and Fischer, 1986; Buiter, 1987). Moreover, several of the studies surveyed (e.g., Honahan, 2001; Rose, 2000) find a significant relation for short-term interest rates. Barth et al. (1990) note that expected deficits play a greater role than contemporaneous deficits for long-term rates. One should note that results of all such studies are sensitive to the measurement of expected deficits. Frenkel and Razin (1986) find that announcement effects of the unanticipated deficit on interest rates are positive and about the same throughout the yield curve. Both rational expectations studies (Bruno and Fischer, 1986; Dornbusch, 1986) find positive relations, one for long-term rates and one for short-term. Finally, Feldstein (1983) and Dornbusch and Fischer (1986) find a positive relation between 10-year rates and projected cyclically adjusted deficit as a percent of GNP. Therefore, this relation apparently does exist for long-term rates, but concluding the same for short-term rates would be premature. Discussion The politics of tax cuts are not necessarily straightforward. Since the UK Budget of March 1993, discretionary tax increases have added about [pounds] 18 billion to expected tax revenue in 1996/97. It might therefore appear odd to the electorate for there to be a remittance of [pounds] 5 billion of these tax revenues as an election approaches. However, a reasonable defense of this might be that the fiscal position has turned out to be better than originally forecast. When the first tranche of tax increases was announced in the March 1993 Budget it was expected that even with the additional revenue the PSBR to GDP ratio in 1996/97 would be 4 1/2 per cent of GDP. The additional fiscal changes announced in the November 1993 Budget contributed to a reduction in the forecast deficit to 2 3/4 per cent of GDP. Now, with no further tax changes the Treasury is forecasting that the deficit will be 2 per cent of GDP, substantially lower than they first thought it would be. In terms of the economics of the UK Budget judgment, the slowdown in economic activity that appears to be occurring, especially the very weak state of domestic demand would appear to allow some relaxation of the fiscal stance. In addition, our projections suggest that even after allowing for tax cuts the general government financial deficit will fall below the 3 per cent reference level for the European Union excessive deficits procedure. The main difficulty with the tax cuts is that they retard the progress that the government has made in reducing its borrowing towards the level that would be permitted by the so-called ‘golden rule that the government borrow no more than is necessary to finance investment. This may be seen either in balance sheet terms or by examining borrowing in relation to investment expenditure. The consequence of the deterioration in the public sectors balance sheet is that this years taxpayers are leaving more liabilities and fewer assets to next years taxpayers than they started with. This suggests that the future services provided by public sector capital will be lower and debt interest higher than they would otherwise have been. This means that future taxes need to be higher in order to pay for the extra debt interest. This situation can be prevented by the government following the golden rule that borrowing be no more than is necessary to finance capital investment. Deficits have to be financed either by issuing debt or by creating base money. Sargent and Wallace (1973) have argued that persistent budget deficits will eventually result either in monetization of the outstanding stock of debt, thus depriving the monetary authorities of their autonomy in setting policy targets, or in a repudiation of at least part of the debt. Hence lack of fiscal discipline could undermine the independence of a newly created European Central Bank, which might come under potential pressure to loosen its policy stance if some member states had serious budgetary problems. Its credibility could be affected if agents thought that a softer stance would become inevitable to alleviate the financial difficulties of highly indebted countries running large deficits. One of the consequences would be an increase in interest rates reflecting a revision in expectations incorporating higher future inflation rates. Fiscal discipline would still be a major concern even if the UK monetary authorities remained steadfast in their anti-inflationary commitment, because those states with unsustainable fiscal positions might have to pull out, whose irreversibility would then be questioned. As a result, markets could take a different view of the degree of substitutability of the assets issued by the different countries. Furthermore, other externalities would be at work, in the form of pressure on other member states to come to the rescue of those with unsustainable debt/deficit paths. Another possibility is that conflicts would arise ‘on issues related to the distribution of (seigniorage) among member countries (Pain, 2002). Other consequences for the country as a whole of the lack of fiscal discipline would be a general rise in interest rates and an external deficit for Europe vis-à  -vis the rest of the world, with adverse effects on the ECU exchange rate. As to the introduction of binding fis cal constraints, the argument is often put forward in the literature that they may appear to improve welfare, but only if the existence of a trade-off between fiscal and monetary policy is ignored (Pain, 2002). Development of a government bond market provides a number of important benefits if the prerequisites to a sound development are in place. At the macroeconomic policy level, the UK government securities market provides an avenue for domestic funding of budget deficits other than that provided by the central bank and, thereby, can reduce the need for direct and potentially damaging monetary financing of government deficits and avoid a build-up of foreign currency denominated debt. A government securities market can also strengthen the transmission and implementation of monetary policy, including the achievement of monetary targets or inflation objectives, and can enable the use of market-based indirect monetary policy instruments. The existence of such a market not only can enable authorities to smooth consumption and investment expenditures in response to shocks, but if coupled with sound debt management, can also help governments reduce their exposure to interest rate, currency, and other financial risks. Finally, a shift toward market-oriented funding of government budget deficits will reduce debt-service costs over the medium to long term through development of a deep and liquid market for government securities. At the microeconomic level, development of a domestic securities market can increase overall financial stability and improve financial intermediation through greater competition and development of related financial infrastructure, products, and services. The creation of a monetary union will inevitably affect the setting of fiscal policy. Even if only monetary policy becomes the responsibility of the new institutions, with fiscal policy remaining in the domain of national government, the fact that they will no longer be able to monetize debt has implications for policy choices. Fiscal policy may play a more important role as a stabilization tool. In the standard Mundell-Fleming framework, in which sticky prices are assumed (Frankel and Razin, 1987) fiscal policy is most effective when exchange rates are fixed and there are free capital movements, conditions which has to be fulfilled by the UK government. Because in a fixed rate system a fiscal expansion does not lead to a rise in interest rates and to an appreciation of the exchange rate, some countries might resort more frequently to fiscal measures to respond to shocks, especially if they are country-specific. Such budgetary policies could result in a looser overall fiscal stance, especially if the fiscal authorities failed to distinguish between temporary and permanent shocks. It is often claimed that fiscal policy is the appropriate policy resp

love :: essays research papers

Ordinary People is the story of both Conrad and Calvin Jarrett. Because the novel focuses on two different people, there are several conflicts throughout the novel that are specific to those individuals. The central question in Conrad's story is whether he will be able to recover after his suicide attempt. As Dr. Berger points out, half the people who attempt suicide will try to do it again at some point in their lives. The inclusion of Karen's suicide towards the end of the novel is a way of reminding the reader that Conrad may not have recovered completely even when he seems to be getting better; after all, Karen seemed to be doing well when Conrad met her for a Coke earlier in the novel. The main question in Calvin's story is whether he and Beth will be able to make amends. Their conflict is based essentially in a communication problem: Calvin believes that the way to heal the wounds of the past is to talk through them and discuss feelings, while Beth only wants to move on from the past. She dislikes Calvin's attitude and his insistence on worrying about his son. The conflict between the two parents is resolved at the end of the novel when Beth leaves. Structurally, the novel does two things. First, it alternates back and forth between the stories of Calvin and Conrad, with each chapter shedding some new light on their individual struggles and conflicts. This alternating style gives the novel a kind of mirror-image structure: just as Conrad gets better over the course of the novel until he is really healed, the marriage between Calvin and Beth spirals downward until it fails. The second structural tactic of the novel is that it begins in a world that is already in some way ruined: Buck has already died, and Conrad has already tried to commit suicide even before the first chapter opens. On the one hand, this indicates that the book is a novel about healing and rebuilding a ruined world, rather than about how that world got ruined in the first place. This structure, however, also gives the book a reverse coming-of-age feel. There are countless children's books about boys who begin the novel as innocent kids and after a series of life experiences end the novel as slightly more mature and wiser young adults (Huckleberry Finn and The Catcher in the Rye are examples.) Ordinary People tells a coming-of-age story backwards. Conrad has already been through his moment of great experience--the death of Buck--and the novel is really the story of how

George Orwells Nineteen Eighty-Four 1984 Essay -- 1984 by George Orw

The book 1984 by George Orwell is merely a warning of what could happen to a society in the future after many years of decline. In the nineteen fifties it was thought of as a prophecy. Many people actually thought that George Orwell was a madman for predicting all of these events in this book to happen in the year 1984.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The story takes place in Oceania that is as a big country where there are smaller parts to it, like London where the main character Winston Smith lives. London is the former capital of the former country England. Obviously the story takes place in the year 1984. There are three classes living in Oceania: the Inner Party, the Outer Party, and the Proles. The Inner Party makes up about only two percent of the population. The Inner Party is the ruling party. The Outer Party makes up of about fifteen percent of the population. All of the daily administration is handled by the Outer Party. The Outer Party is described as small, powerless, and indispensable. It is the equivalent of a middle class. The Inner party selects a small number of the Outer party to join the Inner Party. Then there are the Proles who make up the rest of the population.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The Government in Oceania is divided into four gigantic Ministries: The Ministry of Truth, The Ministry of Peace, The Ministry of Love, and The Ministry of Plenty. The Ministry of Truth controls the news, entertainment, education, and the fine arts. The Ministry of Peace controls all of the concerns of war. Th...

Madagascar :: History

Madagascar â€Å"Great Red Island† Background Information Government Formal Name: Republic of Madagascar DTA code: MA Government Type: Republic Legal System: based on French civil law system and traditional Malagasy law; has not accepted compulsory ICJ jurisdiction. Foreign Relations: Good relations with many countries, especially France, and the western countries of Africa. Holidays: Jan. 1 - New Year’s Day May 1 - Workers Day May 24- OAU Day June 26- Independence Day Nov 1 - All Saints Day Dec 25- Christmas Dec 30- Republic Day History The Malagasy are of mixed Malayo-Indonesian and African-Arab ancestry. Indonesians are believed to have migrated to the island about B.C.E. 700. Archaeologists have found human remains dating back 2000 years. Madagascar was a favorite base for sea pirates in the 1600’s and 1700’s, including the famous Captain Kidd. The French made the island a protectorate in 1885, and then in 1894-95 ended the monarchy. In 1908 a colonial administration was set up, to which the Comoro Islands were attached. In World War II the British occupied Madagascar, which retained its ties to France. Madagascar became an independent member of the community in 1960. Economy Rated 10th poorest country in the world. Madagascar faces problems of chronic malnutrition and severe loss of forest cover accompanied by erosion. Agriculture Provides almost 80% of exports, 16% of cultivated land is irrigated. Major crops include, coffee, vanilla, sugar cane, cloves, rice, bananas, peanuts; wide spread cattle raising; also extensive fishing. Exports and Imports Major exports are coffee, vanilla, cloves, and sugar. Main markets are France, USA, Germany, and Japan. Major Imports are capital goods, oil, and consumer goods. Main suppliers are France, Japan, and Germany. Culture Society There are some 20 ethnic groups of which principal ones are the Central Highlanders of mixed Arab, African, MalayoIndonsian ancestry. Other groups include, Comorans, French, and IndoPakistanis. The estimated population as of July 2000 was 15,506,472 Language Languages are Malagasy and French. Religion About 55% hold indigenous beliefs, 40% Christian, and 5% Muslim Currency One Malagasy Franc equals one US dollar Geography Location: Southern Africa, island in the Indian Ocean Area: Slightly less than double the size of Arizona Climate: Tropical along coast, arid in the south Natural Resources: Graphite, Coal, Tar, Stones. Natural Hazards : Periodic Cyclones Ports: 15 major ports Airports: 105 Major Cities and Points of Interest Capital: Antananarivo The city is built on a Y shaped granite mountain surrounded by rice fields. Madagascar :: History Madagascar â€Å"Great Red Island† Background Information Government Formal Name: Republic of Madagascar DTA code: MA Government Type: Republic Legal System: based on French civil law system and traditional Malagasy law; has not accepted compulsory ICJ jurisdiction. Foreign Relations: Good relations with many countries, especially France, and the western countries of Africa. Holidays: Jan. 1 - New Year’s Day May 1 - Workers Day May 24- OAU Day June 26- Independence Day Nov 1 - All Saints Day Dec 25- Christmas Dec 30- Republic Day History The Malagasy are of mixed Malayo-Indonesian and African-Arab ancestry. Indonesians are believed to have migrated to the island about B.C.E. 700. Archaeologists have found human remains dating back 2000 years. Madagascar was a favorite base for sea pirates in the 1600’s and 1700’s, including the famous Captain Kidd. The French made the island a protectorate in 1885, and then in 1894-95 ended the monarchy. In 1908 a colonial administration was set up, to which the Comoro Islands were attached. In World War II the British occupied Madagascar, which retained its ties to France. Madagascar became an independent member of the community in 1960. Economy Rated 10th poorest country in the world. Madagascar faces problems of chronic malnutrition and severe loss of forest cover accompanied by erosion. Agriculture Provides almost 80% of exports, 16% of cultivated land is irrigated. Major crops include, coffee, vanilla, sugar cane, cloves, rice, bananas, peanuts; wide spread cattle raising; also extensive fishing. Exports and Imports Major exports are coffee, vanilla, cloves, and sugar. Main markets are France, USA, Germany, and Japan. Major Imports are capital goods, oil, and consumer goods. Main suppliers are France, Japan, and Germany. Culture Society There are some 20 ethnic groups of which principal ones are the Central Highlanders of mixed Arab, African, MalayoIndonsian ancestry. Other groups include, Comorans, French, and IndoPakistanis. The estimated population as of July 2000 was 15,506,472 Language Languages are Malagasy and French. Religion About 55% hold indigenous beliefs, 40% Christian, and 5% Muslim Currency One Malagasy Franc equals one US dollar Geography Location: Southern Africa, island in the Indian Ocean Area: Slightly less than double the size of Arizona Climate: Tropical along coast, arid in the south Natural Resources: Graphite, Coal, Tar, Stones. Natural Hazards : Periodic Cyclones Ports: 15 major ports Airports: 105 Major Cities and Points of Interest Capital: Antananarivo The city is built on a Y shaped granite mountain surrounded by rice fields.

American Immigration Essay

Immigration in the United States has been a major contribution to population growth and cultural change throughout much of the nation’s history. Throughout the years 1880 through 1925 the United States witnessed a rise in immigration. Many of these foreigners came to America in hopes of striking it rich, get away from monarchies, and just simply be free as America was known for (Doc A). In the early 1880’s, immigration was gladly welcomed, but as time progressed, government saw it as a growing problem. The many aspects of immigration caused controversy in economic benefits, jobs for the non-immigrants, settlement patterns, crime, and even voting behavior. Congress has passed laws that have to do with immigrants especially in the 19th century such as the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1882, and the Immigration Act of 1903 all to insure specific laws and boundaries to be set on immigrants. The life of immigrants has been drastically changed throughout the years of 1880-1925 through American suspicion of European communism, and the immigrant resistance to Americanization. Much of the controversy that was brought up during this time period was based on the fact that immigrants were coming over and taking over many jobs of the non-immigrants. Many Americans saw it unfair that the immigrants were gaining the wages that the Americans thought they deserved. They didn’t find it fair that the immigrants just marched into America and demanded job opportunities, but that was what America was known for. Many groups of people were against the job openings for immigrants especially the National People’s Party (Document C), who spoke out against the unfair laws, and demanded an end to any form of emigration. There were also many other groups of people that opposed the way the immigrants decided to live their lives, because most of the workers would just go over to the United States take jobs, earn money, and then return to their birth place (Doc. B). These people also feared they would lose their jobs to these new immigrants that business would hire for cheaper pay. As a way to place boundaries and limit the amount of immigrants pouring in, Congress passed laws to insure specific laws to be set on solely immigrants. Laws such as Exclusion Act in 1882, the Gentlemen’s Agreement, and the Immigration Act of 1924 were instituted in order to control the composition of the U. S. population and effectively control immigration from European and Asian decent.